by Favour Imhomoh
This article is part of the Gender, Sexuality, and Decolonization Resource Page blog.
In this epigraph, Julian Okoh identifies a Nigerian norm of political gender inequality. In Nigeria, political privileges fall at the feet of men. The gender-based societal and political bias fuels the disadvantages that Nigerian women and girls receive as they attempt to move beyond the social and cultural constraints set out for them. Women and girls in Nigeria are often confined to the limitations of the private sphere and their expressions beyond that sphere are repeatedly discouraged and ridiculed. These limitations are reflected in the political gender inequality in Nigeria. In modern-day Nigeria, women and girls have been largely excluded from the political discourse of the country as it was revealed that only 51% of Nigerian women participate in voting during elections and less than 7% hold political positions[1]. Despite the democratic nature of Nigeria, the ostracization of women and girls in political positions and spaces has proven to be a tool to reinforce inequality. To provide insight into the lack of Nigerian women’s participation in politics, one has to critically analyze the pre-colonial and colonial historical contexts which influence the othering of Nigerian women and new opportunities that have presented themselves in fighting against political gender prejudice. In this assessment, history provides a lens into a gendered system that was created to strengthen the division amongst genders. The new opportunities exemplify the importance of resistance in dismantling political gender constraints.
Pre-colonial rule
In contrast to the contemporary treatment of Nigerian women, in pre-colonial Nigeria, women and girls occupied spaces in political arenas. Queens Amira, Moremi, and Emotan of the historical kingdoms of Bornu, Ossomari, and Benin played an important role in politics[2]. With their combination of leadership and warrior skills, they protected their respective kingdoms from invasions, created economic opportunities, and served as political leaders in the administration of the state[3]. In other communities, women chiefs in Nigeria yielded great religious, political, and ritual powers in their respective tribes[4]. Amongst the Igbo women, they would gather in solidarity to discuss their political agendas in tribal meetings[5]. Not every tribe, society, or ethnic group in Nigeria produced a female political leader, but the women did cultivate their voices and contributed to governance and political administrations[6]. The functions that women carried out, although separate from men, were seen as complementary to the work of men and the goals of the community were prioritized over the maintenance of gender restrictions[7]. For example, there is a common Yoruba saying that goes, “bi okunrin ri ejo, ki obinrin pa, ki ejo ti ku ni”, which means “If a man saw a poisonous snake and a woman killed it, the important thing is that the snake was killed”[8]. This statement exemplifies how services within the domestic and community lives were not strictly gendered but rather women and men worked together and participated in political, social, and economic agendas for the common good.
Whilst pre-colonial Nigerian society had more opportunities for women and girls to thrive in the public sphere, gender inequalities still existed. Patriarchy was already in existence in pre-colonial Nigeria[9]. The patriarchal system often considered men superior to women due to a preference for men’s physical strength compared to women’s intellectual abilities[10]. Nevertheless, the patriarchal spaces in Nigerian society allowed some room for women’s political participation. The active role that Nigerian women were able to play meant that the socio-economic and political life during this era was influenced by the ideas and concerns expressed by women. Such influence could have greatly impacted important political decisions. These spaces and opportunities, however, would be challenged by colonial rule.
Colonial rule
Nigeria was colonized by the British Empire from 1884-1960[11]. Colonialism created new constraints for the active participation of Nigerian women in politics. A particular form of gendered system and gender division was created. Colonialism built a system in which men were provided with an education that made them politically and economically empowered[12]. As a result, women became dependent on men and were relegated to their homes, kitchens, and farms, and their value was reduced to their reproductive capabilities. Under colonialism, the Nigerian political system was restructured by introducing gender policies that restricted women's political and economic participation as they were denied electoral and job opportunities[13]. For example, a section of South Western Nigerian women were not allowed to vote until 1959, and women in Northern Nigeria until 1976[14]. Additionally, women were not permitted to sit in parliaments as members nor work in the civil service, meaning that they were not participants in the decisions made during colonial rule. The majority of political opportunities and participation were reserved for men as the colonial administration believed that men held more potential and were granted the power to dominate the political and economic spheres[15].
The pervasive alienation of participation in mainstream Nigerian politics, however, did not hinder Nigerian women from demanding political equality and resisting such constraints. For example, in 1929, approximately 25,000 Nigerian women from the Southeast of the country revolted against new taxation policies that were placed on market women[16]. The women ridiculed the tax laws as a product of corruption from warrant chiefs that were appointed to be local agents for the British Colonial Administration. The women utilized songs and dances as part of their protest. There were instances where the protest turned aggressive as participants attacked stores and banks owned by Europeans. The colonial police retaliated and killed some women involved in the protest. By the end of the protest, a few of the warrant chiefs resigned and the British colonial administration was forced to remove the warrant chiefs and the intended taxations. It was not until 1950 that women were appointed House of Chiefs[17]. The women were Olufunmilayo Ransome Kuti (Western Nigeria House of Chiefs) and Margaret Ekpo and Janet Mokelu (Eastern Nigeria House of Chiefs).
Faced with the restrictive political dynamics of the country, Nigerian women took to the streets to demand a voice and fairness. As the fight for equality continued, their resistance spilled into their contribution to nationalist movements alongside the opposition to the colonial administration itself. Funmilayo Ransome-Kuti, Gamboare Sawaba, and Margaret Ekpo, on individual levels, contributed to the anti-colonial struggle in Nigeria and maintained active roles in the negotiations for independence[18]. Nigerian women, under colonial conditions, still played crucial roles in the political, economic, and nationalist goals of Nigeria and it represented their will for resistance to see a change in the gendered political system.
Decolonization and the Nigerian Women
Nigeria gained its independence on October 1st, 1960. During the decolonization process, the former colonial rulers set up a parliamentary democracy in Nigeria. After decades of political insurgence in the country, in 1999, Nigeria became a federal regime with a presidential system. In the current democratic regime in Nigeria, between 1999 and 2017, all Nigerian Presidents have been male[19]. Additionally, between 1999 and 2015, in the House of Representatives, women only occupied between 12-26 seats out of 360 seats. In the Senate, with 109 seats, women held only 3-8 seats. The lack of representation of women in Nigerian politics is due to many reasons such as elitism, in which the dominant class or groups of political elites play a role in how the political dynamics operate and who gets to participate[20]. Specifically, such elitism in Nigeria can be found in a practice known as Godfatherism. Godfathers are made up of “prominent members of the elite class” who influence politics by “[building] an Array of Loyalists around them and use their influence, which is often tied to monetary considerations, to manipulate the rest of society”[21]. Godfathers can choose who they will financially and politically support and that is often men because men are perceived as natural leaders and women as ‘unworthy’ to be in political spaces. Without the financial means and support, only a few women can continue in elections and participation. This ensures that the patriarchal idea that men are superior to women persists. Men are given better educational opportunities and are taught from an early age to aspire for jobs within the political sphere. On the other hand, women remain primarily limited to motherhood and homemaking. Lastly, gender-based violence influences the presence of women in Nigerian politics. The political violence that women encounter is exemplified by the cases of Dorothy Nyone, and Gbemisola Saraki, who have been met with threats of assassination and dissent for their political participation[22]. Additionally, there are women such as Suilat Adedeji and Kudirat Abiola, who were killed due to political violence. Such treatment of Nigerian women reflects that “in Nigeria, politics is presumed a man’s turf where no women needs apply”[23] because women are seen as “bodies out of place”[24]. They are viewed as less capable and deserving to serve in the political sphere. These constraints have created conditions to push Nigerian women into performing what is expected of their gender.
Despite all of the constraints, Nigerian women and girls are still resisting and decolonizing the limitations that have been placed on them by mobilizing and continuing to make their presence known and fighting for their place through various societal activism. For example, there is the Feminist Coalition in Nigeria, which is a new women-led NGO with 14 founding members that include Damilola Odufuwa and Odunayo Eweniyi. The organization aided the #EndSars Movement that occurred in Nigeria in 2020. This political support shown by the organization included crowdfunding of £296,476, providing food, legal, and medical aid[25]. Eweniyi stated, in a candid interview done by Global Citizens organization, that “[…]the entire goal of Feminist Coalition is to ensure the representation of women across all stages — women’s rights and safety, financial equality for women, and the representation of women in the office across the executive, the legislature, and the judiciary”[26]. The feminist coalition is not the only organization operating in Nigeria to provide a voice for Nigerian women. There is the PeriodRichOrg founded by Obianuju Onwuasor, which is dedicated to human and reproductive rights in Nigeria and the organization understands how the need for political gender equality can help achieve its core mission[27]. These organizations are also aware that these constraints have to be decolonized and deconstructed. First, by recognizing what the various constraints are and how they operate. Secondly, critically interrogating how to dismantle those systems and factors such as elitism, patriarchy, and gender-based violence.
A Way Forward
Political gender equality still has a long way to go in Nigeria. There is progress as organizations such as the Feminist Coalition have begun to recognize that there are systems at play that limit women’s abilities to participate in politics. The processes involved in the continuous efforts to dismantle and decolonize begin by putting equal importance on all genders and non-binary bodies and not relegating one as better than the other. It is providing educational opportunities for women and girls to know that their abilities and interests are needed beyond the private sphere and there should be a choice in what they decide to do. It is about making a political, social, and economic declaration that women are not the “other” and allowing society, including men, to know women as individuals that can work side by side with them to create a better Nigeria. The Nigerian government should also be tasked to make sure that there is a quota to be met for women’s representation in the different governmental positions and administrations. George et.al (2016) discuss other forms of intervention such as Youth programs to prepare young minds, especially women for leadership roles in politics and a review of Nigerian legislation on women’s rights where gender discrimination is prohibited. As seen in the case of Rwanda and Uganda, prohibiting gender-based discrimination against women increased the level of women's political involvement. Today, Rwanda is regarded as having the highest percentage of women participation in politics[28]. As this unlearning and deconstructing of cultural gender normativity begins, the participation of Nigerian women in politics will begin to take hold because the societal attitudes towards women in politics will start to shift as well as the political constraints on Nigerian women.
My name is Favour Imhomoh. I was born and raised in Nigeria until I immigrated to the United States in 2008. Growing up in both countries has allowed me to see the world from different perspectives. I was inspired to understand the positionality of women and other minority groups in foreign policy and national political spheres. I have primarily focused on Africa because the realities of African women are often invisibilized when political actors attempt “inclusive” reform. In this essay, “Nigerian Women in Politics: Constraints and Resistance”, I wanted to put forth the realities of Nigerian women and the societal and political constraints that interfere with their political participation. Their realities are important and should be considered in these conversations.
I recently completed the requirements for my Master’s in International Affairs at The Geneva Graduate Institute. I received my undergraduate degree at Rutgers University-New Brunswick in Political Science and Women’s and Gender Studies. My research interests are centered within an interdisciplinary/intersectional lens with a focus on gender, foreign policy, refusal politics, decolonial & anti-colonial feminism, politics, and law. I want my contributions within the academic and practical world to center around prevention, intervention, awareness, and deconstruction.
[1] Oloyede, Oluyemi. "Monitoring participation of women in politics in Nigeria." National Bureau of Statistics, NBS, Abuja, Nigeria, unstats. 2015.
[2] Oloyede, Oluyemi. 2015.
[3] George, Tayo O., Christiana Adetunde, Oluwakemi Ijagbemi, and Mercy Udume. "Overcoming the Challenges of Women in Politics: Lesson for and from Nigeria." The Nigerian Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol 14, no. 1. 2016.
[4] Abdulahi, Gambo. “The Crisis of Democratization Women’s Vision of the Way Forward.” in Journal of Women in Academic Vol. 1, No. 1 Sept. 2002.
[5] Ifeacho, Martin. “Globalization and Women Political Participation in Nigeria”. In Women in Academy (p.122-224) Port Harcourt, Pearl Publishers. 2004.
[6] Odionye, Ada E. "Education as a Panacea to Women Active Participation in Nigerian Politics." Journal of Education and Practice 7, no. 30: 212-217. 2016.
[7] George et.al. 2015
[8] Jaiyeola, Emmanuel Olorunfemi. "Patriarchy and colonization: The" brooder house" for gender inequality in Nigeria." 2020. p. 8
[9] Odionye, Ada E. 2016
[10] Ibid
[11] Graham, K. “Nigeria: Colonization”. 2009. Retrieved from https://hj2009per6nigeria.weebly.com/colonization.html
[12] Ibid
[13] Osimen Goddy Uwa, Anegbode E. John, Basil Osayin Daudu, and Oyewole Oyindamola O. “Political Participation and Gender Inequality In Nigerian Fourth Republic”. Global Journal of Political Science and Administration. Vol.6, No.5, pp.22-38. 2018.
[14] Ibid
[15] Ibid
[16] George et.al. 2016
[17] Ibid
[18] Osimen et.al. 2018
[19] Oloyede, Oluyemi. 2015.
[20] Albert, I. O. Explaining ‘godfatherism' in Nigerian politics. African Sociological Review/Revue Africaine de Sociologie, 9(2), 79-105. 2005
[21] Ibid, 80-82
[22] Luka, R. C. Women and political participation in Nigeria: The imperatives of empowerment. Journal of social sciences and public policy, 3, 24-37. 2011
[23] Ibid. P.1
[24] Puwar, N. Space invaders: Race, gender and bodies out of place. 2004
[25] Hussain, T. Uddin E. “Women of the #EndSARS Protests: History Will Remember Them.” We Are Restless. 2020
[26] Okunola, A. She Stood Up for #EndSARS. What Will Nigeria’s Odunayo Eweniyi Do Next? Global Citizen. 2021
[27] Sadeque. S. Q&A: What Nigerian Feminists Hope Will Come Out of the #EndSARS Movement and Pandemic. Retrieved from https://www.ipsnews.net/2021/01/qa-what-some-nigerian-feminists-hope-will-come-out-of-the-endsars-movement/
[28] George et.al. 2016