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Gender Center
06 August 2025

The Role of First Ladies in National Politics: The Case of Eva Peron

By Claude-Emmanuel Hiol

 

 

This article is part of the Gender, Sexuality, and Decolonization Resource Page blog.

Madonna as Eva Peron in Evita (1996) [Creative Commons License]

In 1996, Walt Disney Studios Motion Pictures released a movie about the life of Eva Peron, the first lady of Argentina from 1946 until 1952. [1] Although the film does not bother with historical accuracies, it stands as proof of her legacy in Argentina and beyond.

First ladies are often defined as second to their husbands. The lack of legal and political expectations for the spouse of a president generally leaves them confined to the role of ornaments.[2] However, the political trajectory of Mrs. Peron defies this norm. By relying on maternal rhetoric, she became influential among working-class communities, the core supporters of the Peronist Party, which her husband founded.

Nevertheless, it is important to frame her achievements within the context of the gender dynamics of the time. Doing so not only provides an understanding of how she bolstered the Peronist Party but might attest to the influence she had on increasing the participation of women in politics in Argentina.

Eva Peron in a Changing Argentina

Eva Peron (born Duarte) first made her name in Argentina’s entertainment industry. After moving to Buenos Aires at 16, Eva starred in various radio soap operas.[3] As she struggled to be taken seriously as an actress, other women from lower socio-economic backgrounds found it hard to navigate the gender and class dynamics in Argentina.[4] For example, working-class women like Eva often faced sexual harassment in professional settings and on the streets of Buenos Aires in the late 1930s.[5] The city had grown busier and more modern since the beginning of World War I.[6]

After the great depression of the 1930s, Argentina went through a quick industrialization. As a result, the industrial sector became the leading employer in the country.[7] The spread of corruption in the government and the lack of coordination that characterized unions caused many blue-collar workers not to be protected against toxic working conditions.[8]

Due to dissatisfaction with the previous regime, a military coup occurred in the government in 1943. Shortly after, Juan Peron, a colonel, was appointed Secretary of Labor and Social Welfare.[9] This position brought Peron into close contact with unions. He became popular among workers, to the dismay of the military government.[10] Consequently, Peron was dismissed from the government and incarcerated.[11] Massive protests from workers resulted in his release on October 17th, 1945 – a day commemorated nationally as Loyalty Day ever since.[12]

Following the dissolution of the military government and the organization of subsequent elections, Peron became the 29th President of Argentina.[13] A couple of months prior, he had married his girlfriend, Eva Duarte. She became the First Lady of Argentina.

The First Lady and Her Nation 

Scholars have noted that before Eva, first ladies in Argentina were not seen as pivotal figures.[14] This coincides with the literature concerning other nations in the 20th century.[15] Identically, scholars studying first ladies in the 21st century tend to agree that it is a role that relies on appearances and public relations.[16] While they are frowned upon for engaging in complex issues like foreign policy or finance, they are encouraged to pursue endeavors like charity and social work.[17]

Additionally, the President and the First Lady hold a significant position within the nation. They represent an ideal. The presidential couple taps into a nation’s desire for archetypes that can sell dreams to ordinary folks.[18] They both appeal to popular desires of love, glamour, and happiness. Like a diplomat and their spouse, the President and his wife must offer an appealing version of themselves that resonates with political, national, and cultural customs.[19] For that fantasy to be credible, the First Lady is encouraged to exist as a symbolic figure.[20]

In the case of the Perons, it is indisputable that Juan was the leader of Argentina. Yet, because Peronism as a political ideology was based on populism, he needed more than policies.[21] He had to have credibility. His position required him to shape his image into an everyday man who could convince the masses. Eva, as his wife, was instrumental in helping him achieve that illusion.[22]

To turn Peron into a legitimate leader, Eva portrayed herself in speeches as a devoted and loving mother to the workers of the nation. During a speech delivered on October 17th 1957, Eva dedicated her life to Peron, while stressing her commitment to the workers of Argentina, whom she referred to as “descamisados” (translation: shirtless ones). She states:

"I have a sacred debt to Peron and all of you, to the workers, to the boys of the CGT [Confederación General del Trabajo; translation: General Confederation of Labour], to the descamisados and the people. And it doesn’t matter to me if I have to leave shred of my life along the way in order to repay it. I had to come, and I came to give thanks to Peron, to the CGT, to the CGT, and the descamisados of my fatherland."[23]

This expression of gratitude and humility does not take away from her presence in national politics. Her participation can be felt in a key legislation that was passed in the parliament. For instance, in 1947, women were granted suffrage in Argentina.[24] She had been instrumental in pushing the government to give women the right to vote through her Peronist Women’s Party. Although laudable, it remains crucial to recast these efforts within the context of national gender politics as well as Peronism as a regime.

Peronism and Gender Politics

Although Eva campaigned for the right to vote, it was mainly perceived as a strategy to maximize turnout for Juan Peron in the subsequent elections.[25] Eva did not seek to transgress the traditional gender conventions that were standard in Argentina by the end of the 1940s.

Consequently, women held a contradictory position in Argentinian society. They were considered legitimate political players, but their roles as nurturers seemed to prevail. Jill Hedges, author of the biography Evita: The Life of Eva Peron, posits that Peronism espoused traditional norms regarding gender and the family.[26] Eva similarly shared these ideals. For instance, she tried to pay stay-at-home women for their work in the family while ignoring the conditions of women in the workforce.[27]

Furthermore, Peronism relied on Eva to mask its authoritarian leanings. The Peronist Party has been compared to “a military organization,” that was efficient in controlling the spread of narratives that could endanger the political dogma the regime manufactured and spread to the masses.[28] Notably, Peron’s political opponents were not allowed to broadcast messages on the radio, and newspapers under the control of the opposition were banned.[29] Moreover, in the vein of other populist regimes, Peronism was ineffective in improving structural inequalities despite its popularity among workers. The myth of Evita, the loving and elegant mother of the nation, was built to provide a softer edge to the Peronist regime.[30]

Still, in 1951, Eva was nominated for the role of vice-president by the Peronist Party.[31] A few days later, she rescinded her candidacy. Some historians argue that the consternation of the army regarding Eva as a potential candidate is to blame.[32] Others claim that her deteriorating health was the reason why she declined the nomination.[33]

In the end, she died of cancer in July 1952 at the age of 33. Unlike what is generally expected of a First Lady, Evita was substantial to the politics of her country. She advocated and helped women acquire the right to vote. Moreover, the Peronist regime relied on her charisma to hide its authoritarian and structural inequalities. Thus, it could be argued that together with the President, the First Lady upholds and sells a particular political agenda. Because what is true of symbols is that they hide a deeper interiority.[34] They are not only matters of surface; it is what is underneath that matters.

About the Author

 
Claude Hiol was born in Cameroon. His work has appeared in The Kalahari Review, African Writer Magazine, and TEDxGvaGrad. 

 

 

FOOTNOTES

[1] Evita, Musical/Drama (Buena Vista Pictures Distribution; Cinergi Productions, 1996).

[2] Ashlee A Paxton-Turner, “Changing the First Lady’s Mystique: Defining the First Lady’s Legal Role and Upending Gender Norms” 13 (2018): 6.

[3] Jill Hedges, Evita, 1st ed. (New-York; London: I. B. Tauris, 2017), 31–32.

[4] Hedges, 46–47.

[5] Hedges, 38.

[6] Andrea Lluch and Norma Silvana Lanciotti, “The Rise and Transformation of Big Business in Argentina (1913–1971),” Revista de Historia Económica / Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History 42, no. 1 (March 2024): 15–16, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0212610923000101.

[7] Viviana Patroni, “A Discourse of Love and Hate: Eva Perón and the Labour Movement (1940s–1950s),” Canadian Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 24, no. 48 (January 1999): 155, https://doi.org/10.1080/08263663.1999.10816781.

[8] Hedges, The Life of Eva Peron, 88.

[9] Hedges, 66.

[10] Patroni, “A Discourse of Love and Hate,” 156–57.

[11] Hedges, The Life of Eva Peron, 78.

[12] Hedges, 97.

[13] Hedges, 113.

[14] Grace J. Young et al., “Evita’s Lobotomy,” Journal of Clinical Neuroscience 22, no. 12 (December 2015): 1884, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jocn.2015.07.005.

[15] Pierre-Marie Loizeau, “‘First Lady But Second Fiddle’ or the Rise and Rejection of the Political Couple in the White House: 1933-Today.,” European Journal of American Studies 10, no. 1 (March 26, 2015), https://doi.org/10.4000/ejas.10525.

[16] Chin-Chung Chao, Yahui Zhang, and Jie Li, “The ‘First’ First Lady of China and the ‘First Black’ First Lady of America: The Role of Liyuan Peng and Michelle Obama in the Media’s Portrayal,” 2018, 59.

[17] Erica Scharrer and Kim Bissell, “Overcoming Traditional Boundaries: The Role of Political Activity in Media Coverage of First Ladies,” Women & Politics 21, no. 1 (March 27, 2000): 56–57, https://doi.org/10.1300/J014v21n01_03.

[18] Loizeau, “‘First Lady But Second Fiddle’ or the Rise and Rejection of the Political Couple in the White House,” 8.

[19] Cynthia Enloe, Bananas, Beaches and Bases, 2nd ed. (Berkeley and Los Angeles, California: University of California Press, 2014), 178.

[20] Scharrer and Bissell, “Overcoming Traditional Boundaries,” 56.

[21] Natalia Milanesio, “A Man Like You: Juan Domingo Perón and the Politics of Attraction in Mid‐Twentieth‐Century Argentina,” Gender & History 26, no. 1 (April 2014): 84–85, https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-0424.12053.

[22] Patroni, “A Discourse of Love and Hate,” 161.

[23] Patroni, “A Discourse of Love and Hate,” 161.

[24] Patroni, “A Discourse of Love and Hate,” 166–67.

[25] Hedges, The Life of Eva Peron, 149.

[26] Hedges, 150.

[27] Hedges, 150.

[28] Julia Beth Fierman, “‘We Are Peronists, We Are Organic’: Discipline, Authority, and Loyalty in Argentine Populism,” Social Sciences 10, no. 9 (August 30, 2021): 1, https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci10090326.

[29] Paul H. Lewis, “Was Perón a Fascist? An Inquiry into the Nature of Fascism,” The Journal of Politics 42, no. 1 (February 1980): 253, https://doi.org/10.2307/2130025.

[30] Viviana Fridman, “Les Transformations de l’Icône d’Eva Perón dans l’imaginaire politique Argentin,” Canadian Journal of Latin American and Caribbean Studies 35, no. 70 (2010): 35.

[31] Hedges, The Life of Eva Peron, 2.

[32] Patroni, “A Discourse of Love and Hate,” 170.

[33] Hedges, The Life of Eva Peron, 117.

[34] Michael Taussig, Defacement, 1st Ed. (Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 1999), 210.