The work of Reinaldo Arenas and the continuation of that work by Mariela Castro Espín have served as a method of fighting Cuba’s history of othering the LGBTQ community as unimportant, traitorous, and ultimately non-Cuban. Beyond these two people however, one cannot forget the countless activists who have left Cuba in response to a lack of progress, as well as the colonial legacies that continue to impact not only Cuba, but the Caribbean more broadly. Colonial laws on same-sex behavior, particularly in the Anglo-Caribbean, continue to maintain their status, being used by modern governments as ways of defining what it means to be a member of their nation and their nation-building process.[16] Further, legacies of subjugation at the hands of slavery, colonization, and economic frameworks reliant on tourism and debt make analyzing diverse sexualities and advocating for positive social change a significant challenge, with the “othering” of people outside the heterosexual state being projected as antithetical to the nation-building mission of post-colonial Caribbean nations.[17] The impact of external gazes, institutions, and companies from North America and Europe on the behavior of Cuba and other Caribbean nations is not to be ignored, particularly when you factor in the role of neocolonial governments on both sides of the relationship in the construction of international tourist expectations. These expectations explicitly reinforce established patterns of heteronormativity and class privilege while subjecting locals through an imperialistic tourist gaze.[18] With the re-establishment of diplomatic relations between Cuba and the United States and the reopening of the country to tourists, it will likely be the case that the sexual dynamics present on other Caribbean islands make their way to Cuba and cede themselves to the heterosexual expectations for economic gain.
This activism also starts conversations in Cuba about the balance of power and governmental structures in a largely authoritarian system, as well as the seemingly sudden progress of LGBTQ equality after many years of internal stagnation and external opposition. While referendums on marriage equality are not necessarily rare (look to Ireland, Bermuda, Taiwan, and Australia for examples with positive and negative outcomes), the referendum is a highly unusual occurrence in Cuba, which has a documented history of communism and violating the right to free and fair elections.[19] Some activists in Cuba see the government’s support as a way to show a liberal face against political and economic discontent.[20] Despite legislative progress through the Family Code, Cuba still fails to protect the daily lives of people who exist outside of the heteronormative way of living that the Cuban Revolution promoted as the ultimate construction of family life.[21] LGBTQ Cubans continue to face opposition to their existences, including growing religious intolerance and social conservatism from large sections of the country.[22] Regardless, the activism and advocacy powered by the cultural impact of Arenas’ political and literary work, matched by the leveraging of significant state power by Espín, and continued by many other unnamed activists shows how necessary each person in a movement can be. Arenas and Espín show us that resistance takes many types of people, all dedicated to a cause and situated equally within society and the state, to truly achieve long-term societal change. While the LGBTQ community in Cuba has faced many struggles and there is still much progress to be made, the passage of the 2022 referendum is a good step towards, yet not a total realization of, equality for LGBTQ people in Cuba.